Changes

In the mid-1980s, the [[The Business RoundTableRoundtable]] organised a an even wider coalition of which included asbestos and tobacco, together with members of the [[Chemical Manufacturers Association]] and various energy trade associations, to promote . They wanted a joint effort with special projects aimed at countering to counter the growing environmental and health activism. In particular, they decided to cooperated in legal and legislative actions to restrict pentalties for successful product liability and worker's compensation suites.

In 1983 the Business Roundtable also had its [[Task Force on Product Liability]] headed by Robert Malott (the CEO particular, they decided to cooperated in legal and legislative actions to restrict pentalties for successful product liability and Chairman of pesticide/chemical manufacturer FMC Corpworker's compensation suites.), and Their sworn enemies were the US Chambers of Commerce 'plaintiff lawyers' who had created a similar new organization combined in an association known as the [[National Business Council on Injury Compensation]], to develop a unified business position on toxic substances compensation issues American Trial Lawyers Association ("Toxic torts"ATRA). Asbestos was obviously one of their top priorities, but -- and so they were also trying to counter attacks over dioxins, DDT, Agent Orange, tobacco and a range of other harmful productsformed the [American Tort Reform Association].

Their sworn enemies were the 'plaintiff lawyers' who had combined in an association known as In 1983 the [[American Trial Lawyers AssociationBusiness Roundtable]] (ATLA) also had its Task Force on Product Liability headed by Robert Malott, the CEO and supported the Democratic Party. To counter their influence they formed the [[American Tort Reform Association]] (ATRA) [[http:/Chairman of pesticide/wwwchemical manufacturer FMC Corp.prwatch.org/prwissues/1996Q3/cohen.html]] using The US Chambers of Commerce had created a similar new organization known as the Philip Morris-funded [[APCONational Business Council on Injury Compensation]] company for management. It suported the Republicans, to develop a unified business position on toxic substances compensation issues. By 1995Asbestos was obviously one of their top priorities, but they were also trying to counter attacks over dioxins, DDT, Big Tobacco was providing $5.5 million in funding for ATRAAgent Orange, which was more than half ATRA's budget -- tobacco and similar amounts were being provided for interconnected tort-reform lobby groups like the [[Coalition for Civil Justice Reform]] [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/fya78e00/pdf]a range of other harmful products.

Matt Swetonic at At Hill & Knowlton , Matt Swetonic also did work at this time worked for [[Dow Chemicals]] and helped coordinate the herbicide/pesticide subsection of the [[Chemical Manufacturers Association]].[http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/upw43d00/pdf] . During this period he was elevated to the position of Senior Vice President of H&K, acting primarily as a media strategist and training advisor to RJ Reynolds Tobacco on its litigation problems [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ngw15d00/pdf]. He had the working title (for use in the media) of 'Health and Environment Advisor' and for Reynolds he set up media advisory centers to counter adverse publicity in some of the early tobacco trials in different parts of the country. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/abv05d00/pdf]

One task assigned to him ===RJ Reynolds Tobacco===At the same time Swetonic was elevated to "review the current medical literature on position of Senior Vice President of H&K, acting primarily as a media strategist and training advisor to [[ETSRJ Reynolds Tobacco Company]] (on its litigation problems [[Environmental Tobacco Smoke]] -- passive smoking) http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ngw15d00/pdf]. His working title (for use in the media) was '''"Health and Environment Advisor"''' and he helped Reynolds set up media advisory centers to determine if there is a possibility counter adverse publicity in some of generating a national debate on the validity early legal liability cases in different parts of the health claims being made against ETScountry." [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kid03d00abv05d00/pdf]. The main aim here was to counter smoking restrictions in the workplace and in public venues like restaurants.

====Premier One of his assigned tasks was to "cigarettereview the current medical literature on [ETS] ([Environmental Tobacco Smoke -- passive smoking]) ... to determine if there is a possibility of generating a national debate on the validity of the health claims being made against ETS."====[http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kid03d00/pdf]. The main aim here was to counter smoking restrictions in the workplace and in public venues like restaurants, by generating doubt about the validity of the science.  He also assisted RJ Reynolds in the marketing and promotion of the ill-fated Premier smokeless cigarette (actually a nicotine delivery device). In the tobacco archives, the development of Premier is known (successively) as Project SPA and Project Q. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vdr84d00/pdf] and later (with a 1988 relaunchre-launch) as Project Y and Alpha. Part of his responsibilities He was to organize tame scientist and science journalists to write favorable reviews and editorials on Premier , characterising it as a 'safe cigarette' (since the company was prohibited from making this claim in public itself). He ghost-wrote articles himself to be planted on major newspapers as op-ed pieces under other names. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ijb44d00/pdf] [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/jjb44d00/pdf].

When the [[Environmental Protection Agency]] ([[EPA]]) began to investigate the health and environmental problem associated with passive smoking ([[ETS]]), he created a public-persuasion project focussed on the slogan "Back-door Prohibition" [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/txp14d00/pdf]. The idea was to claim that the EPA was trying to expand its empire and seize control of indoor air regulation standards using "perverted science". He successfully predicted that the EPA would eventually classify environmental smoke as a '''Class A Carcinogen ''' [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kup14d00/pdf].  Reynold's Premier cigarette was essentially a tube with heated taste beads and nicotine, and it was, in fact a catastrophe. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/euz92d00/pdf]. By the mid 1980s the major media were well-conversant with smoking-and-health issues, but Swetonic worked very hard to persuade major media organisations (like the Reader's Digest) that this was, in fact, a 'safer cigarette' ... without actually making the claim himself. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/icr84d00/pdf].  In government regulatory affairs the sale of cigarettes held a special privileged position through the strength of the tobacco farming lobby. The tobacco-growing states usually held the balance of power in the Senate and House, and their lobbying stopped tobacco from being considered an addictive drug -- it was excused from food and drug regulation on the grounds that it was an 'agricultural product'. However, the Premier tube-delivery system opened the industry to regulation by the Food and Drug Administration; clearly this was a 'drug delivery system' more akin to a hypodermic needle than an apple or chocolate stick. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gfb03d00/pdf] Reynolds quickly abandoned Premier when the FDA began to make their 'drug' argument to Congress. ===E. Bruce Harrison===In 1991 he was also working on coalition problem with the chemical manufacturers and their trade associations. The growth of workplace smoking bans in chemical companies raised tensions between the coalition partners.[http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/aqx44d00/pdf], which is probably why he was shifted from the main H&K office to E. Bruce Harrison Co (EBH). In the late 1980s and early 1990s EBH had been successively taken over by the Pinnacle Group, and then by Ruder Finn, and these companies had close and cosy ties with [[Hill & Knowlton]] (which itself had been taken over a couple of times).  Swetonic retained the RJ Reynolds Tobacco account, and was officially entitled "Senior Vice President and Director of Environmental Operations" [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kra71d00/pdf]. He now began running operations on behalf of the tobacco industry as a whole, while remaining under RJ Reynolds control. [[Du Pont]], one of the major makers of herbicides and pesticides, has implemented a smoking ban in its own workplaces, and Swetonic used his contacts with the chemical industry to try to have this smoking ban reversed [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/eqa24d00/pdf]. He raises the possibility of having tobacco farmers boycott Du Pont's agricultural products, and since Du Pont also owned the Remington Arms Company, he suggests the possibility to RJR of requesting the [[National Rifle Association]] (NRA -- the most powerful special-interest lobby in the country) put pressure on the chemical company also. The NRA and the tobacco industry worked closely together on problems of product liability, and they were both highly active in their support for the Republican Party's policies of unregulated free-enterprise and small government. In the following years Swetonic continued working with the tobacco industry, persuading tame scientists like Prof. [[Alvan Feinstein]] of Yale to write articles dismissing the regulatory science on passive smoking problems, and generaly supporting the tobacco industry's position [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vhj61c00/pdf]. He also continued his campaign against the [[American Medical Association]] (AMA) [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tyg23d00/pdf].

Reynold's Premier cigarette was essentially a tube with heated taste beads and nicotine, and it was, in fact a catastrophe. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/euz92d00/pdf]. By the mid 1980s the major media were well-conversant with smoking-and-health issues, but Swetonic worked very hard to persuade major media organisations ===Total Indoor Environment Quality (like the Reader's DigestTIEQ) that the Premier was, in fact, a 'safer cigarette' ... without actually making the claim [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/icr84d00/pdf] since cigarette-health claims were banned by the FTC. ===

In government regulatory affairs cigarettes held a special privileged position because of the strength of the tobacco farming lobby. The tobaccoAt EBH in mid-growing states usually held the balance of power 1991, Swetonic was instrumental in creating a front association known as the Senate and House, and their lobbying stopped tobacco from being considered an addictive drug. It was excused from [[Food and Drug AdministrationTotal Indoor Environment Quality]] association (TIEQ). This was nominally a coalition under the [[FDANational Environmental Development Association]](NEDA) regulation . NEDA was itself created by EBH in 1973 with the intention of running business leadership seminars on the grounds that it was an 'agricultural product'health and environmental problems -- specifically with workplace Indoor Air Quality (IAQ). However, This was at the Premier tube-delivery system opened time when the tobacco industry to regulation; clearly this was a 'drug delivery system' more akin promoting the idea of the "Sick Building Syndrome" as an alternative to a hypodermic needle than an apple or chocolate stick. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gfb03d00/pdf] Reynolds quickly abandoned Premier when tobacco smoke as the [[FDA]] began to make their 'drug delivery' argument to Congresscause of health and general well-being problems in offices and factories.

====Coalition conflicts====In 1991 he The TIEQ was a nation-wide front operation, nominally based in Washington (actually in New York), which was also working on coalition problem with the chemical manufacturers proclaimed as an ''"organization of environmental experts and their trade associations. The growth of workplace smoking bans in chemical concerned companies raised tensions between committed to finding solutions to the coalition partnerschallenges associated with indoor air quality (IAQ)."'' [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/aqx44d00wrx45d00/pdf]. This is probably why he shifted from The chairman of the main H&K office to "scientific advisory board", [[Dr Ronald E. Bruce HarrisonGots]]. In (the late 1980s and early 1990s The PR companies working for medical advisor to the tobacco and chemical industries were more collaborators than competitors. EBH had been successively taken over by the Pinnacle Group, then by Ruder Finn, National Association of Manufacturers and these insurance companies all had close and cosy deals with Hill & Knowlton (which, itself, had been taken over a couple critic of timesSelikoff's ''zealotry''), said that the TIEQ's chief mission is to ''"try to ensure that good science drives whatever policies are developed to regulate indoor air, that we have good science information as much as possible before we decide about controlling things. "'' [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/okx83e00/pdf]

Swetonic retained The press release announcing the RJ Reynolds Tobacco account at EBHTIEQ's founding, and was officially given the title claims that '''Senior Vice President "the correlation between poor indoor environmental quality and Director of Environmental Operationsadverse health effects hasn't been proven"'' . [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kra71d00/pdf] He now began running operations on behalf These words come straight out of the tobacco industry as a whole, while remaining under RJ Reynolds control's favourite phrase book.

[[Du Pont]]RJ Reynolds appears to have provided the funds to establish the TIEQ, one of but the day-to-day operation were only part-funded by the major makers of herbicides and pesticides, had implemented a smoking ban tobacco industry in its own workplaces, and in this document Swetonic is using his contacts general [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vsv61d00/pdf] with Philip Morris joining the chemical industry to have this smoking ban reversed. board later [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/eqa24d00ydk98e00/pdf] . He raises The coalition supporting the possibility of having tobacco farmers boycott Du Pont's agricultural productsTIEQ also included fibre makers, synthetic carpet manufacturers, office-equipment manufacturers, and since Du Pont also owned the Remington Arms Company, he suggests the possibility airlines -- all of having the which had indoor air quality problems. [[National Rifle Association]http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/htx61d00/pdf] . The Manville Corporation (NRA) put pressure on the chemical company successor to reverse the smoking ban[Johns-Manville]) was also a charter member [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wrx45d00/pdf]. The NRA and the tobacco industry worked closely together on problems of product liability, and they were both highly active in their support for the Republican Party's policies of unregulated free-enterprise and small government.

In the following years Swetonic continued working with the The tobacco industrytook the lead position, persuading tame scientists like Prof. [[Alvan Feinstein]] of Yale but preferred to write articles dismissing hide behind coalitions in these "toxic tort" matters, and the regulatory science and supporting actual TIEQ offices were in the tobacco industry's position [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vhj61c00/pdf]same building as E Bruce Harrison Co. He also continued his campaign against the AMA [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tyg23d00/pdf]Matt Swetonic is listed by them as "TIEQ Staff".

====Total Indoor Environment Quality (The TIEQ)====At EBH, Swetonic was instrumental in creating still operating as a front association lobby force on downplaying the adverse effects of poor indoor air quality in mid-1991 which was known as the August 1999 [[Total Indoor Environment Quality]http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zuz95c00/pdf] association (TIEQ). This was nominally It appears to have been listed as a coalition under the tobacco ally by Philip Morris in Dec 1997 [[National Environmental Development Associationhttp://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bej62c00/pdf]] (NEDA) which was, itself, created by EBH and it is included in 1973 with the intention of running seminars for business leaders on environmental, and specifically with Indoor Air Quality (IAQ) RJ Reynold's official Lobbying Report in 2000 - both well after the workplace. AT that time the tobacco industry was promoting the idea signing of the '''Sick Building Syndrome''' as the cause of health and general well-being problems in offices and factories .Master Settlement Agreement.. as an alternative to tobacco smoke!

The TIEQ was a nation-wide front operation, nominally based in Washington (actually in New York), which proclaimed itself to be an "organization of environmental experts ===Tort Reform and concerned companies committed to finding solutions to the challenges associated with indoor air quality (IAQ)." [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wrx45d00/pdf]. The chairman of the scientific advisory board, Dr Ronald Gots, said that the TIEQ's chief mission was to "try to ensure that good science drives whatever policies are developed to regulate indoor air, that we have good science information as much as possible before we decide about controlling things." [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/okx83e00/pdf]Toxic Torts===

The press release announcing the TIEQ's founding** "Torts" are civil liability claims, claims that and "reform"was a euphemism for restricting the correlation between poor indoor environmental quality public liability (ie "toxic tort" problems) through various means. The support came from companies with poisoning and adverse health effects hasn't been proven"polluting problems. These words come straight out of the tobacco industry's phrase book"Toxic torts" are product liability claims for noxious substances.

RJ Reynolds provided In this area, Swetonic also associated himself with the initial funds to establish [[Manhattan Institute]] (specifically with [[Peter Huber]] and [[Walter Olson]]), a think-tank which was funded by the same industries that funded TIEQ, but the day. The role of Huber and Olson were to circulate dubious and highly-toexaggerated product-day operation were shared across the tobacco industry [http://legacyliability stories (e.libraryg.ucsfA woman got $3 m for spilling hot coffee, etc.edu/tid/vsv61d00/pdf] with Philip Morris coming on board later ) [http://legacymarcgalanter.library.ucsf.edunet/tidDocuments/ydk98e00papers/ContemporaryLegendsAbouttheCivilJusticeSystem.pdf]. The coalition also included fibre makersThey did this through books, synthetic carpet manufacturersnewspaper and magazine articles, office-equipment manufacturersradio and TV, and airlines -- all of which had indoor air quality problems; they had paid a nominal fee to belong to Olson also ran the policy-steering committeehttp://overlawyered. [com website which was modelled on Milloy's http://legacywww.libraryjunkscience.ucsfcom operation [http://overlawyered.educom/tidarchives/htx61d00/pdf00july2.html#000718a].

The tobacco industry generally preferred to hide behind their coalition partners in manufacture of these matters. The Manville Corporation (legal-urban legends; the exaggeration of claims about plaintiff lawyer greed; and the successor exaggerated claims of product liability costs were all part of a well-designed coalition strategy designed to [[Johns-Manville]]) was also a charter member, support "tort reform" [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wrx45d00esm61c00/pdf] and . The sensationalist nature of the actual TIEQ offices were in stories appealed to the same building as E Bruce Harrison Co. Matt Swetonic is listed by them as "TIEQ Staff"press.

Swetonic also worked Junk-man [[Steve Milloy]] of [[TASSC]] (controlled through APCO) who ran one of the main science lobby group for the tobacco industry, was also a close associate in the tort reform movement. APCO actually run ATRA and the chemical industry with with various CALAs under contract, and Milloy also ran the Manhattan Institute (specifically Peter Huber and Walter Olson) [httpJunk Science web site://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/hjn24e00/pdf] [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/pil98e00/pdf] [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ajn43c00/pdf]. This think-tank was funded by tobacco and other TIEQ-member industries to circulate dubious and exaggerated product-liability stories (''ewww.gjunkscience. A woman got $3 m for spilling hot coffee, etc.'') and to promote the idea that run-away product liability claims were destroying the US economycom.

The aim Swetonic also utilized the services of these activities was [[Michael Fumento]] of Investors Business Daily (a pro-industry health-journalist, available for hire) who's column he arranged to change public perception in support have syndicated around the country. This group of lobbyists all had close associations with the ABC TV journalist [[John Stossel]] who pushed the "tort reformjunk science"[http://legacy.libraryangle.ucsf.edu/tid/unn97d00/pdf] [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/jub77a00jgx72a00/pdf] by exaggerating the costs associated with legal damages claims, and to try to block class actions and punitive damages. Swetonic, at this time, was on a temporary retainer from Philip Morris (Tom Borelli) [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/mbw87d00xwa85a00/pdf].

These Manhattan Institute By this time Swetonic had joined the Dilenschneider Group and ATRA activities were also supported by [[Michael Fumento]] (was on a pro-industry health-journalist for hire) and junk-man temporary retainer from [[Steve MilloyTom Borelli]] of at [[TASSCPhilip Morris]] (who ran one of the main science lobby group for the tobacco industry - and now runs later became Steve Milloy's partner) [[http://wwwlegacy.junksciencelibrary.com)ucsf. (Steve Redhead was a Congressional Research Section (CRS) employee who was involved in a pro-tobacco research report for the tobacco industry (note the suggestion that the CRS report was being rewritten with Milloy's help))edu/tid/unn97d00/pdf]].

Swetonic shifted over to work for Switonic became a partner in the Dilenschneider Group in 1996; he was made a partner. Bob (RL) Dilenschneider had been his superior at Hill & Knowlton in the early days, and had left to set up his own operation. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/icw87d00/pdf] The TIEQ was still operating as a lobby force on indoor air in August 1999. [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zuz95c00/pdf] and it appears to have been listed as a tobacco ally by Philip Morris in Dec 1997 [http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bej62c00/pdf] and included in RJ Reynold's official Lobbying Report in 2000 - both well after the Master Settlement Agreement.