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{{Show badges|Tobaccowiki|AEX}}The '''DCI Group, LLC''' is the top [[Republican Party|Republican]] [[lobbying|lobby]] and [[public relations]] firm with offices in Washington, Brussels, and Houston. DCI has been associated with telemarketing company [[Feather Larson & Synhorst DCI]] and the direct-mail firm [[FYI Messaging]]. The DCI group publishes Group was the publisher of the now defunct website , [[Tech Central Station]] , and has had close ties to the [[George W. Bush]] [[Bush administration|administration]]. Incorporated in 1997 in Phoenix, Arizona, [[Timothy N. Hyde]], [[Douglas M. Goodyear]], and [[Thomas J. Synhorst]] are listed as the LLC's managers. In addition, [[Christopher A. Holt]] is listed as a member.[http://starpas.cc.state.az.us/cgi-bin/wspd_cgi.sh/WService=wsbroker1/names-detail.p?name-id=L08092160&type=L.L.C.]
The DCI Group calls itself a “strategic public affairs consulting firm” and boasts that it handles corporate issues like political campaigns. “We are a political firm and all of our partners have political campaign experience. We thrive in competitive circumstances, and are used to fluid situations and tight deadlines,” their website claims. DCI Group offers services that include national, state and local lobbying; coalition building; and generating “grasstops” and constituent support for issues. The firm has been linked to several industry-funded coalitions that pose as grassroots organizations. Perhaps it comes as no surprise as DCI advertises its ability to provide “third party support” to clients. “Corporations seldom win alone,” the group’s website says. “Whatever the issue, whatever the target—elected officials, regulators or public opinion—you need reliable third party allies to advocate your cause. We can help you recruit credible coalition partners and engage them for maximum impact. It’s what we do best.”<ref>DCI Group, [http://web.archive.org/web/20041020021010/http://www.dcigroup.com/2021/wrapper.jsp?PID=2021-12via web.archive.org], organizational website, accessed Oct 20 2004.</ref>
The use of third-party front groups is common in the business of swaying public opinion. Traditionally, however, strategic influencers view the news media as the channel through which their message flows from the front group to the target audience. DCI and its affiliates offer “direct contact” that bypasses the media entirely. The client’s message is directly delivered via phone banks, regular mail and/or the internet. Direct contact provides the campaigners with complete control over the message. Freed from the filters created by news outlets, they can be as biased and inflammatory as the message shaper deems necessary.
==History==__TOC__
===Smoking Out DCI’s Past=DCI's Involvement in Exxon Climate Denial==What the DCI Group “does best”—creating “credible coalition partners”—is a skill that the group’s managing partners—Tom Synhorst, Doug Goodyear, and Tim Hyde—developed during nearly a decade of work in the 1990s for [[R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company]].
DCI chair [[Thomas J. Synhorst]] got his start working Group was subpoenaed in the 1980s as April 2016 amidst an aide for Senator Charles Grassley (R-Iowa). In 1988 Synhorst ran [[Robert Dole]]’s presidential primary campaign in Iowa, winning expanding investigation by state attorneys general into the state’s early caucus over funding of climate change denial by [[George H.W. BushExxonMobil]]. He later worked on Dole’s 1996 presidential bid, having by then set up The multinational oil corporation had become the political consulting and telemarketing firm, [[Direct Connect, Inc.]] Simultaneously, Synhorst also worked as a Midwestern field representative for R.J. Reynolds. Some details focus of his work in that capacity can be found through internet searches of RJR’s internal documents that were publicly released as part of the states attention from state attorneys general lawsuit against after separate investigations by ''InsideClimate News'' and the tobacco industry''LA Times''/Columbia School of Journalism revealed it had known internally about the threat of climate change for several decades. As early as 1990Despite this knowledge, Synhorst’s name turns up in in a letter from RJR field operations manager Mark SmithExxon poured millions of dollars into climate change denial and to groups working to obstruct any action to reduce carbon pollution. The letter outlines the tobacco company’s strategy for undermining a workplace smoking ban at a Boeing plant Greenpeace project Exxon Secrets, which tracks spending by ExxonMobil, documented over $30 million in Wichita, Kansasfunding to U.S. Synhorst was one of the RJR field coordinators suggested to meet with a Boeing employee who opposed the anticlimate denial groups from 1998-smoking policy2014.<ref name="nick">Nick Surgey, "[httphttps://legacywww.libraryprwatch.ucsf.eduorg/news/2016/04/tid13092/ecm10d00dci-group-subpoenaed-expanding-exxon-climate-denial-investigation DCI Group Subpoenaed in Expanding Exxon Climate Denial Investigation]," ''Center for Media and Democracy'', April 20, 2016.</ref>
Exxon has been a DCI client for many years. According to data from the Center for Responsive Politics, DCI represented Exxon every year between 2005-2016. DCI created Tech Central Station, a now-defunct website which promoted climate change denial and which received funding from Exxon. A bipartisan group of Senators wrote to Exxon about its funding of the website in 2006. Also in 2006, an invitation was leaked to Greenpeace about a strategy meeting hosted at the DCI office. The meeting -- titled "Strategic Discussion Regarding the Clean Air Act" -- was sponsored by the Exxon-funded [[Heartland Institute]]. Numerous non-profit organizations that have received funding from Exxon were invited, including the [[American Legislative Exchange Council]] (ALEC) and the [[Competitive Enterprise Institute]]. According to the invitation, the meeting was intended to help develop an "action plan" to help push back against legislation mandating the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. Although DCI and Exxon have a long history, the subpoena could reveal more about what DCI has being doing for Exxon.<ref name="nick"/> ==2012: "Massive Campaign" for Pete Peterson's "Fix the Debt" Astroturf Supergroup== The work [[Portal:Fix the Debt|Campaign to Fix the Debt]] is the latest incarnation of a decades-long effort by former Nixon man turned Wall Street billionaire [[Pete Peterson]] to slash earned benefit programs such as [[Social Security]] and [[Medicare]] under the guise of fixing the nation's "debt problem." [[Image:I'm fixin' it.jpeg|frame|[[Proof Integrated Communications]]' ad campaign for [[Peter Peterson]]'s "[[Portal:Fix the Debt|Fix the Debt]]" organization (Source: ''[http://www.prweekus.com/bursons-proof-unit-launches-fix-the-debt-ad-campaign/article/268534/ PR Week]'', 11/16/12)|right]]With a staff of 80 and a field coordinator target of $60 million for RJR included keeping track their budget, $40 million of which was raised by February 2013, Fix the Debt is best described as an "[http://www.thenation.com/article/173018/pete-petersons-puppet-populists Astroturf supergroup]." According to PR Week, Fix the Debt has numerous Washington, D.C. PR firms/lobby shops helping it, many of state whom also lobby for Fix the Debt firms. These include [[DCI Group]],<ref>DCI Group lobbied for Morgan Stanley on tax issues in 2006 and 2007, and in 2012 has lobbied for Verizon and local smoking bans ExxonMobil. Senate lobbying records.</ref> [[Glover Park Group]],<ref>Glover Park Group has lobbied in 2012 for Visa, Inc., on tax issues. It has also lobbied for DuPont, Exelon, General Electric, JP Morgan Chase, Lockheed Martin, News Corporation, Pfizer, Sodexho, UnitedHealth Group and cigarette other corporations that would get tax breaks under Fix the Debt’s initiatives; monitoring workplace smoking bans; meeting , and for the American Bankers Association and PhRMA. Senate lobbying records.</ref> and [[Dewey Square Group]],<ref>Dewey Square Group has lobbied for AT&T, Citigroup and Visa. Senate lobbying records.</ref> which have lobbied for multiple Fix the Debt corporations in multiple years. For example, DCI Group lobbied for [[Morgan Stanley]] on tax issues in 2006<ref>DCI Group, [http://soprweb.senate.gov/index.cfm?event=getFilingDetails&filingID=7af0a0aa-c5c9-4812-97ee-5e3a307bfdf4&filingTypeID=9 Lobbying Report], filed with company sales representatives; developing U.S. Congress on behalf of client Morgan Stanley, July 1 - December 31, 2006.</ref> and supporting “smoker’s rights” groups2007.<ref>DCI Group, [http://soprweb.senate.gov/index.cfm?event=getFilingDetails&filingID=f5d1e674-3c90-4fbc-888f-958a6f1da30d&filingTypeID=3 Lobbying Report], filed with U.S. Congress on behalf of client Morgan Stanley, January 1 - June 30, 2007.</ref> Fix the Debt is also using Proof Integrated Communications (PIC), a unit of the PR firm [[Burson-Marsteller]], for its aggressive advertising push.<ref name="PRW">Virgil Dickson, [http://www.prweekus.com/bursons-proof-unit-launches-fix-the-debt-ad-campaign/article/268534/ Burson's Proof unit launches Fix the Debt ad campaign] (sub. req'd.), ''PR Week'', November 16, 2012.</ref> As Fix the Debt creates more Astroturf state chapters, including setting they also engage PR firms at the state level to carry their message. In the run-up meetingsto the “fiscal cliff,” these firms launched a flashy $3 million media ad campaign, blanketing Capitol Hill with TV, circulating petitionsInternet, Metro and providing materialsnewspaper ads.<ref name="LAT">Melanie Mason, [http://articles.latimes.com/2012/dec/14/news/la-pn-fix-the-debt-ad-20121214 Fix the Debt hits the airwaves to influence 'fiscal cliff'], ''LA Times'', December 14, 2012.</ref> PIC's portion of the campaign included "parody recreations of well-known advertising slogans," such as: the slogan "i'm fixin' it" on a carton of fries to imitate the McDonald's "i'm lovin' it" campaign; contacting school districts concerning RJR’s youth programthe slogan "Got debt?" to imitate the famous "Got milk?" dairy ad campaign; placing people in public meetings and meetings the slogan "Just fix it" to imitate the Nike "Just do it" campaign.<ref name="PRW"/> Fix the Debt CEOs are treated with legislators fawning respect by the mainstream media. Fix the Debt’s [[David Cote]] "brings serious financial muscle to support the tobacco industry’s position; getting letters table" when he pushes "market credible solutions," says the ''Wall Street Journal''.<ref>[http://live.wsj.com/video/top-ceo-is-go-between-in-fiscal-cliff-talks/9AFD12B7-25DA-4F8E-A0C9-DF1C13F89CB0.html#!9AFD12B7-25DA-4F8E-A0C9-DF1C13F89CB0 Top CEO Is Go-Between in 'Fiscal Cliff' Talks], ''Wall Street Journal'' video, December 14, 2012.</ref> Cote is free to lecture the editor printed country on the hazards of [[Social Security]], given his $78 million dollars in local personal pension assets. The fact that he underfunds his employees’ pensions by $2.7 billion<ref>Sarah Anderson and Scott Klinger, Institute for Policy Studies, [http://www.ips-dc.org/reports/pension-deficit-disorder A Pension Deficit Disorder: The Massive CEO Retirement Funds and regional newspapersUnderfunded Worker Pensions at Firms Pushing Social Security Cuts], organizational report, November 27, 2012.</ref> is never noted; and creating alliances the fact that he heads a company paying a negative tax rate (-0.7 percent)<ref>Citizens for Tax Justice, [http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2011/11/corporate_taxpayers_corporate_tax_dodgers_2008-2010.php Corporate Taxpayers & Corporate Tax Dodgers, 2008-2010], organizational report, November 3, 2011.</ref> is apparently not considered relevant.{{#ev:youtube|VrH97xl63AI|250|left|December 2012 TV ad produced for Fix the Debt}}The campaign had the most presence in the Washington, D.C. area, but Bassik said that "future iterations of the effort will use images of regular people to show lawmakers that constituents also want a bi-partisan deal to take place." Fix the Debt's other PR agency partners, [[DCI Group]], [[Glover Park Group]], and [[Dewey Square Group]], were to do additional research and "find average citizens."<ref name="PRW"/> Dewey Square and DCI are also handling "grass-roots outreach" -- i.e. [[Astroturf]] -- for the campaign, according to ''Politico'', and "firms are still pitching the coalition, hoping to get business for potential television ads" as of December 5, 2012.<ref>Anna Palmer and Kate Brannen, [http://www.politico.com/story/2012/12/the-big-business-of-fiscal-cliff-84668.html The big business of the fiscal cliff], ''Politico'', December 5, 2012.</ref> On December 16, 2012, Fix the Debt released its first television ad (see video), with organizations a six-figure buy, featuring "interviews with similar several Americans who talk about their concernsover America’s debt" and accompanying text, "We need to do more than avoid the fiscal cliff."<ref name="LAT"/> Burson-Marsteller's Johanna Schneider told ''PR Week'' that the ad campaign was the biggest public policy campaign she had seen in some time. It also included full-page ads in ''The Washington Post'', ''The Wall Street Journal'', ''The Hill'', ''Roll Call'', ''Politico'', and ''National Journal''.<ref name="PRW"/> ''Politico'' reported of Fix the Debt's campaign, "Message men, lobbyists, grassroots firms[,] and lawyers are raking in cash . . . It's a classic Washington phenomenon: Ahead of a major deal, corporate clients and other groups pay a premium to the Washington influence machinery to make sure their interests are protected." '''[[Portal:Fix the Debt|Visit the Fix the Debt main page on SourceWatch.org to learn more about this PR effort backing a Simpson-Bowles style austerity bill]].''' This article is part of the Center for Media and Democracy's investigation of Pete Peterson's Campaign to "Fix the Debt." '''Please visit our main SourceWatch page on [[Portal:Fix the Debt|Fix the Debt]].''' {{about_FTD}}==Ties to the American Legislative Exchange Council== '''DCI Group''' has been a corporate funder of the [[American Legislative Exchange Council]] (ALEC), and a member of ALEC's [[Communications and Technology Task Force]]<ref>American Legislative Exchange Council, [http://www.commoncause.org/atf/cf/%7BFB3C17E2-CDD1-4DF6-92BE-BD4429893665%7D/telecom&it_updated_35-day_mailing%20New%20Orleans.pdf American Legislative Exchange Council Telecommunications & Information Technology as of July 18th, 2011], organizational task force membership director, July 18, 2011, p. 22, obtained and released by Common Cause April 2012</ref>. See [[ALEC Corporations]] for more. {{about_ALEC}} ==U.S. Think Tanks and Azerbaijan==The most recent controversy surrounding the DCI group is their decision to take on as a client the government of [[Azerbaijan]], a resource-rich country plagued with corruption and human rights issues.<ref name="OD">Kevin McCauley, [http://www.odwyerpr.com/blog/index.php?/archives/5300-DCI-Works-Tanks-for-Azerbaijan.html "DCI Works Tanks for Azerbaijan"], ''O'Dwyers Blog'', October 23, 2012.</ref> As part of their $20,000 per month contract, DCI will provide "strategic PR, media outreach and establishment of relationships with U.S. think tanks."<ref name="OD"/> According to the contract, such DCI seeks to establish relationships between U.S. think tanks and the Azerbaijani government because think tanks are “vital contributors to the formulation of U.S. policy and serve as validators of official policy positions."<ref name="OD"/>  U.S. Department of State notes that Azerbaijan is “one of the most important spots in the world for oil exploration and development" but rates the country's human rights record as “poor, especially with respect to freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, the administration of justice, and the respect of property rights.<ref name="OD"/> Human Rights Watch has condemned the Azerbaijaini government for its treatment of "imprisoned journalists, human rights defenders, and political opposition activists"<ref>[http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/11/02/azerbaijan-concerns-regarding-freedom-media-and-freedom-expression "Azerbaijan: Concerns Regarding Freedom of the Media and Freedom of Expression"], Human Rights Watch, November 2, 2012.</ref> after police forces attacked anti-tax groupscorruption protesters in the capital city of Baku in October 2012.<ref>[http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2012/10/20/267840/azerbaijan-police-crack-down-on-protestors/ "Police forces clash with anti-corruption protestors in Azerbaijan"], PressTV, October 20, 2012</ref> ==Disinformation Used to Thwart Wall Street Reform==Another recent controversy was the DCI-backed front group, "Stop Too Big To Fail," aimed at killing Wall Street reform. Stop Too Big To Fail "is an [[astroturf]] operation funded by corporate interests to give the appearance of grassroots opposition to reform."<ref name="TPM">Justin Elliott, [http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2010/04/rent-a-front_stop_too_big_to_fail_fights_reform.php "Rent-A-Front: New Group Wages Stealth Battle Against Wall Street Reform"], TPM, April 21, 2010</ref> {{#ev:youtube|nFq0o6f9jno|210|right|Rachel Maddow and Simon Johnson expose DCI Group on fake grassroots effort to stop financial reform}}The group posed as a liberal grassroots organization and launched a $1.6 million ad campaign asking viewers to tell their senators, “vote against this phony ‘financial reform.’ Support real reform, stop ‘too big to fail.’” Stop Too Big To Fail has also launched diaries on netroots sites like ''Daily Kos'' and ''FireDogLake'' and posted columns on ''Huffington Post''.<ref name="TPM"/> The group even went as far as to dupe Simon Johnson, a former chief economist at the IMF, now at MIT, into participating "in a media conference call purportedly on the topic of breaking up large banks."<ref name="TPM"/> To his dismay, they later displayed a photo of Johnson, who is a prominent advocate of breaking up the big banks, on their webpage. <ref name="TPM"/>
In one internal memo, field representatives were instructed: “Xerox like crazy. When a favorable letter to This was not the editor is printed, getting people first time DCI has helped large corporations to copy create a phony “consumers group.” DCI has manufactured "grassroots" campaigns for the letters tobacco industry in fake "smoker's rights groups" and send them to their elected officials with a note saying (essentially) ‘This is what I think, too,’ is key. has managed public relations for the [[Letters Coalition to the editorProtect Patients' Rights]] now become a two, an anti-step process: Step One is getting them publishedhealth reform group. Step Two is circulating them as widely as possible.”[http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/szf33d00]
==Stealth Campaign Targeting Republicans Undermined Mortgage Reform Legislation==The DCI Group’s CEOAssociated Press reported October 20, 2008 that "[[Freddie Mac]] secretly paid a [[Douglas M. GoodyearDCI Group|Republican consulting firm]], used $2 million to work on behalf of R.J. Reynolds. Before joining kill legislation that would have regulated and trimmed the DCI groupmortgage finance giant and its sister company, he was a vice president at [[Walt Klein and AssociatesFannie Mae]], a PR firm whose work for RJR dates back three years before the government took control to at least the1980sprevent their collapse. In 1993, Goodyear was instrumental in the creation cross hairs of the campaign carried out by [[Ramhurst CorporationDCI Group|DCI]], an organization that received money from R.J. Reynolds to ensure that tobacco industry efforts in of Washington were supported [[Republican Party|Republican]] senators and a regulatory overhaul bill sponsored by and coordinated with RJR’s nationSen. [[Chuck Hagel]], R-wide fake grassroots operationsNeb. According DCI's chief executive is [[Doug Goodyear]], whom John McCain's campaign later hired to internal RJR documents, manage the GOP convention in 1994 Ramhurst received $2September. ...6 million for “executing tactical programs on federal The Republican senators targeted by DCI began hearing from prominent constituents and financial contributors, state or local issues; developing a network all urging the defeat of smokers’ rights groups Hagel's bill because it might harm the housing boom. The effort generated newspaper articles and radio and other coalition partners within TV appearances by participants who spoke out against the region that will speak out on issues important measure. Inside Freddie Mac headquarters in 2005, the few dozen people who knew what DCI was doing referred to the Company; implementing training and communication programs designed initiative as "the stealth lobbying campaign," according to inform activists and maintain three people familiar with the drive. They spoke only on condition of anonymity, saying they fear retaliation if their ongoing involvement in the grassroots movementnames were disclosed." <ref>John Stauber, [httphttps://legacy.librarywww.ucsfprwatch.eduorg/tidnode/wtm33d007848 "DCI Group's Stealth Campaign Torpedoed Freddie Mac Reform"] Synhorst was one of Ramhurst’s field operators, PRWatch.org, October 20, 2008.</ref>
[[Timothy N. Hyde]]==Representing Burma Spells Controversy for John McCain and the RNC==The BBC reported May 12, another DCI employee2008, was the senior director of public issues at Rthat "two aides to Republican presidential nominee John McCain..J. Reynolds from 1988 stood down over ties to 1997a lobbying firm that has represented Burma's military leaders. Hyde oversaw all of RJR’s PR campaigns. His weekly reportsDouglas Goodyear, also available in who had been chosen to run the R.J. Reynolds online archive2008 Republican convention, provide said he was resigning 'so as not to become a running history of the discussion of tobacco distraction in the public sphere this campaign'... Both Mr. Goodyear and the industry’s efforts second aide to shape that discussionresign this weekend, Doug Davenport, worked for the lobbying firm DCI, the former as its chief executive."<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7395773.stm "McCain aides quit over Burma ties"], BBC News, 12 May 2008. </ref>
With Goodyear’s expertise at coordinating astroturf activities in all 50 states[[Douglas M. Goodyear|Doug Goodyear]], Synhorst’s on-the-ground field experience combined with his telemarketing work, and Hyde’s years CEO of corporate workDCI Group, was selected to manage the DCI Group offers clients a vast body forthcoming [[Republican National Convention]] (RNC), in St. Paul, Minnesota because of his "management experience and contactsexpertise", a spokeswoman for [[John McCain]] had said. Michael Isikoff [http://www. The tobacco industry’s efforts newsweek.com/id/136321 reported] in ''Newsweek'' that in 2002 DCI was paid $348,000 to represent [[Burma]]'s military junta. "It also led a PR campaign to burnish the 1990s junta's image, drafting releases praising Burma's efforts to fight regulations, taxes curb the drug trade and lawsuits created a money-soaked training ground where dozens of political operatives denouncing 'falsehoods' by the Bush administration that the regime engaged in rape and strategists learned their craftother abuses," Isikoff reported. Since most of Goodyear defended the anti-tobacco efforts were led by Democratscompany's work: "It was our only foreign representation, tobacco industry money began flowing primarily into Republican coffersit was for a short tenure, further strengthening ties between GOP political advisors and it was six years ago," he said. Shortly after the underworld of fake grassroots campaigning.All these factors have made story broke, the DCI Group and its sibling companies RNC issued a natural choice media release quoting Goodyear stating he had resigned "so as not to help top Ubecome a distraction in this campaign.S" <ref>Michael Isikoff, [http://www. companies such as Microsoft and highly-regulated sectors such as the pharmaceutical industry as theynewsweek.com/id/136321 "A Convention Quandary"], too, have sought to fend off regulatorsThe Daily Beast, consumer advocatesMay 10, and trial lawyers2008.</ref>
===Macro Money from Microsoft===[[Microsoft]]’s decision to hire After Goodyear left the McCain campaign, he said DCI came as worked with a "moderate faction within the company faced an antitrust lawsuit from Myanmar government that sought assistance in working alongside the U.S. Justice Department government in its fight against the 1990sopium trade and Myanmar’s AIDS epidemic. By 2000Recognizing the implications of this effort, Microsoft was spending millions of dollars DCI Group agreed to take on contributions to Republican and Democratic campaign war chest, think tanks, and ostensibly independent trade associations as well as this project on payments to highthe condition that the Myanmar government demonstrate a major confidence-powered lobbyists, public relations, building commitment and agree to release a number of political operativesdetainees including Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi." <ref>Marc Ambinder, "[http://marcambinder. Hoping to sway public opinion and the opinion of state and federal officialstheatlantic.com/archives/2008/05/the_dci_group_responds_on_burm.php The DCI Group Responds On Burma]," ''The Atlantic'', the software giant built up a wide network of supportersMay 19, with its sponsorship of those groups mostly invisible to the public2008.</ref>
“Microsoft has contributed to established research groups with free-market orientations, including ==Tobacco Industry and the Tea Party==[[National Taxpayers Union]]Image:Tobacco tea party.jpg|thumb|Connections between the tobacco industry, [[Americans for Tax Reform]] third-party allies and the [[Cato InstituteTea Party, from the 1980's (top) through 2012 (bottom). The thick black line connects CSE with its direct successor organisations(Source:''Tobacco Control''<ref name="teaparty"/>)|400px|right]]According to a study published February 8, 2013 in the journal ''Tobacco Control'', "Rather than being a purely grassroots movement that spontaneously developed in 2009, the Tea Party has developed over time, in part through decades of work by the tobacco industry and other corporate interests."<ref name="teaparty">Amanda Fallin, which have produced studies Rachel Grana and newspaper opinion pieces supportive of Stanton A Glantz. [http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/20/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full "‘To quarterback behind the company’s legal positionscenes,third-party efforts’: the tobacco industry and the Tea Party"], ''New York TimesTobacco Control'' reported in June 2000. “But Microsoft has also created new trade groups, the 8 February 2013</ref> The DCI Group was behind this effort through their consultation services to [[Association Americans for Competitive TechnologyProsperity]] (ACT) and [[Americans for Technology LeadershipFreedomWorks]] (ATL), both of whom have worked to generate support for oppose smoke-free laws across the company through Web sites and a sophisticated and largely hidden grassroots lobbying campaignUnited States since at least 2006.<ref name="teaparty"/>
ACT and ATL remain closely affiliated today. ATL claims to be a “broad-based coalition of technology professionals, consumers and organizations dedicated to limiting government regulation of technology and fostering competitive market solutions to public policy issues affecting the technology industry.” In reality, however, it is mostly a shill for Microsoft. Four out of ten of ATL’s other “founding members”—[[Association for Competitive Technology]], [[Citizens Against Government Waste]], [[60 Plus Association]], and [[Small Business Survival Committee]]—are themselves industry-funded organizations that consistently take their sponsors’ positions. Other founders include [[CompTIA]], a computer trade association; and the big box stores [[CompUSA]] and [[Staples]]. These natural allies served as useful window dressing for an organization whose main issue was defending Microsoft against antitrust action.==DCI’s Past==
Joshua Micah Marshall described ===Ties to Big Tobacco===What the ties among ACT, ATL, DCI and Microsoft in the July 17, 2000 ''American Prospect''. He noted that “while Microsoft did confirm that Synhorst’s DCI had been retained as Group “does best”—creating “credible coalition partners”—is a consultant, it insisted skill that another DCI employee, Tim Hyde, and not the group’s managing partners—[[Tom Synhorst]], was handling the company’s account. In any event, the web of connections among DCI, ATL[[Doug Goodyear]], and Microsoft is striking. While working for Microsoft, DCI has also provided consulting services to ATL.” Josh Mathis, who was installed by ACT president [[Jonathan ZuckTim Hyde]] as ATL’s executive director, “is also an employee of DCI, who still works out —developed during nearly a decade of work in the same Washington, D1990s for [[R.CJ., office as Synhorst and HydeReynolds]] Tobacco Company.
ATL’s domain name, techleadershipDCI chair [[Thomas J.org, is registered to ACTSynhorst]] got his start working in the 1980s as an aide for Senator Charles Grassley (R-Iowa). The site itself is hosted by In 1988 Synhorst and ran [[Tom StockRobert Dole]]’s LLCpresidential primary campaign in Iowa, winning the state’s early caucus over [[TSE EnterprisesGeorge H.W. Bush]]. TSE He later worked on Dole’s 1996 presidential bid, having by then set up the political consulting and Stock’s other company telemarketing firm, Direct Connect, Inc. Simultaneously, Synhorst also worked as a Midwestern field representative for R.J. Reynolds. Some details of his work in that capacity can be found through internet searches of RJR’s internal documents that were publicly released as part of the states attorneys general lawsuit against the [[Network Processing Servicestobacco industry]]. As early as 1990, LLC (which owns TSE’s domain Synhorst’s name) are connected to turns up in in a letter from RJR field operations manager Mark Smith. The letter outlines the websites tobacco company’s strategy for undermining a workplace smoking ban at a [[Boeing]] plant in Wichita, Kansas. Synhorst was one of several industry-backed grassroots groups that advocate positions favorable the RJR field coordinators suggested to DCI clients. TSE’s website describes its work as “engineering web sites and portals, interactive multimeet with a Boeing employee who opposed the anti-media, and electronic direct marketing campaign for public relations, public affairs, and political groups nationwidesmoking policy.<ref>[http://wwwlegacy.library.tseazucsf.comedu/tsetid/wrapper.jsp?PID=8020-10ecm10d00 "Boeing Update"], Legacy Tobacco Documents Library</ref>
===I Get Letters from Dead People===In August 2001 the ''Los Angeles Times'' reported that ATL was behind The work of a “carefully orchestrated nationwide campaign to create the impression field coordinator for RJR included keeping track of a surging grass-roots movement” behind Microsoft. “The campaignstate and local smoking bans and cigarette tax initiatives; monitoring workplace smoking bans; meeting with company sales representatives; developing and supporting “smoker’s rights” groups, including setting up meetings, orchestrated by a group partly funded by Microsoftcirculating petitions, goes and providing materials; contacting school districts concerning RJR’s youth program; placing people in public meetings and meetings with legislators to great lengths so that support the tobacco industry’s position; getting letters appear to be spontaneous expressions from ordinary citizens. Letters sent in the last month are editor printed on personalized stationery using different wording, color in local and regional newspapers; and typefaces—details that distinguish those efforts from common lobbying tactics that go on in politics every day.” Although FLS-DCI has not publicly claimed responsibility for generating the letters, they are consistent creating alliances with organizations with the company’s own description of the word produced by its “letter desk” service: “all uniquesimilar concerns, but conveying your desired messagesuch as anti-tax groups.
According In one internal memo, field representatives were instructed: “Xerox like crazy. When a favorable letter to the ''Times''editor is printed, getting people to copy the campaign was discovered when Utah’s Attorney General at the timeletters and send them to their elected officials with a note saying (essentially) ‘This is what I think, Mark Shurtlefftoo, received letters “purportedly written by at least ’ is key. [Letters to the editor] now become a two dead people -step process: Step One is getting them published. Step Two is circulating them as widely as possible. ”<ref>[http://legacy. imploring him to go easy on Microsoft Corplibrary. for its conduct as a monopolyucsf. The pleasedu/tid/szf33d00 "What RJR Will Provide to Field Support], along with about 400 others from Utah citizens,” included at least one from the nonexistent city of Tucson, Utah.Legacy Tobacco Documents Library</ref>
Even living residents The DCI Group’s CEO, [[Douglas M. Goodyear]], used to work on behalf of real cities who wrote letters supporting Microsoft later complained that they had been snookeredR.J. Reynolds. Some who were called “believed Before joining the states themselves were soliciting their viewsDCI group, he was a vice president at [[Walt Klein and Associates]], according a PR firm whose work for RJR dates back to at least the1980s. In 1993, Goodyear was instrumental in the attorneys general creation of MinnesotaRamhurst Corporation, Illinois an organization that received money from R.J. Reynolds to ensure that tobacco industry efforts in Washington were supported by and Utahcoordinated with RJR’s nation-wide fake grassroots operations. When According to internal RJR documents, in 1994 Ramhurst received $2.6 million for “executing tactical programs on federal, state or local issues; developing a caller started asking Minnesotan Nancy Brown questions about Microsoft, she thought she was going network of smokers’ rights groups and other coalition partners within the region that will speak out on issues important to get help figuring out what was wrong with her computer,” according the Company; implementing training and communication programs designed to inform activists and maintain their ongoing involvement in the Los Angeles Timesgrassroots movement. Another Minnesota resident contacted the state’s attorney general to tell him”<ref>[http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wtm33d00 "Public Issues 1994 (940000) Plans"], “I sure Legacy Tobacco Documents Library</ref> Synhorst was misledone of Ramhurst’s field operators.
Eighteen states’ attorneys general were joining with [[Timothy N. Hyde]], another DCI employee, was the Justice Department in its anti-trust suit against Microsoftsenior director of public issues at R.J. Reynolds from 1988 to 1997. Iowa’s Attorney General Tom Miller reported receiving more than 50 letters in support of Microsoft during the summer Hyde oversaw all of 2001RJR’s PR campaigns. “No two letters are identicalHis weekly reports, but the giveaway lies also available in the phrasingR.J. Reynolds online archive,provide a running history of the Times wrote. “Four Iowa letters included this sentence: ‘Strong competition and innovation have been the twin hallmarks discussion of tobacco in the technology industry.’ Three others use exactly these words: ‘If public sphere and the future is going industry’s efforts to be as successful as the recent past, the technology sector must remain free from excess regulationshape that discussion.’”
The Times credited a DCI affiliate, With Goodyear’s expertise at coordinating [[DCI/New Mediaastroturf]]activities in all 50 states, Synhorst’s on-the-ground field experience combined with assisting Microsoft’s “grass-roots” campaignhis telemarketing work, and Hyde’s years of corporate work, the DCI Group offers clients a vast body of experience and contacts. The tobacco industry’s efforts in concert with the [[Dewey Square Group]]1990s to fight regulations, taxes and lawsuits created a public affairs firm with close money-soaked training ground where dozens of political operatives and strategists learned their craft. Since most of the anti-tobacco efforts were led by Democrats, tobacco industry money began flowing primarily into Republican coffers, further strengthening ties to between GOP political advisors and the Democratic Partyunderworld of fake grassroots campaigning.
===Corporate Voice for Choice===All these factors have made the DCI Group and its sibling companies a natural choice to help top U.S. companies such as Microsoft and highly-regulated sectors such as the pharmaceutical industry as they, too, have sought to fend off regulators, consumer advocates, and trial lawyers.
Another “coalition” with DCI’s fingerprints is ===Money from Microsoft===[[Voices for ChoicesMicrosoft]], which appears ’s decision to front primarily for [[AT&T]]hire DCI came as the company faced an antitrust lawsuit from the U.S. TSE hosts Justice Department in the Voice for Choices website1990s. By 2000, Microsoft was spending millions of dollars on contributions to Republican and AT&T has been a client of DCI Group. In the spring of 2004Democratic campaign war chest, think tanks, VFC ran a campaign seeking and ostensibly independent trade associations as well as on payments to pursuade the Federal Communications Commission high-powered lobbyists, public relations, and the Bush Administration political operatives. Hoping to appeal a court decision that threw out price caps on rental prices for local telephone lines. While sway public opinion and the Baby Bellsopinion of state and federal officials, who own the local phone linessoftware giant built up a wide network of supporters, applauded the decision, AT&T and MCI/WorldCom were threatened with being priced out its sponsorship of providing local phone servicesthose groups mostly invisible to the public.
Voices “Microsoft has contributed to established research groups with free-market orientations, including the [[National Taxpayers Union]], [[Americans for Choices ran ads in ''Roll Call'' Tax Reform]] and other inside-the-beltway publications that hinted at a Bush defeat in November if the administration [[Cato Institute]], which have produced studies and FCC did not support an appeal. The White House was not amused with newspaper opinion pieces supportive of the veiled threatcompany’s legal position, and Voices for Choices pulled the ads. The ''ProgressiveNew York Times'' magazine ran another VFC ad reported in April 2004June 2000. “But Microsoft has also created new trade groups, the [[Association for Competitive Technology]] (ACT) and [[Americans for Technology Leadership]] (ATL), which portrayed to generate support for the organization as company through Web sites and a consumer interest group sophisticated and asked, “Whose Side Are You On? 68,000,000 Americans who now benefit from phone competition.—or—4 Giant phone companies that would benefit by killing competitionlargely hidden grassroots lobbying campaign.”
===Journo-Lobbyistslobbyists===AT&T and Microsoft have found some of their most consistent and enthusiastic support in articles posted on TechCentralStation.com, a now defunct quasi-news site that features featured free-market opinion and analysis pieces. Founded in 2000, [[Tech Central Station]] (TCS) is was “hosted” by conservative financial columnist [[James K. Glassman]]. Shortly before the collapse of the 1990s dot-com bubble, Glassman authored a remarkably nonprophetic work titled ''Dow 36,000: The New Strategy for Profiting From the Coming Rise in the Stock Market''. He is also a resident fellow at the [[American Enterprise Institute]], a [[Think tanks|think tank]] funded by corporations and conservative foundations such as the [[Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation]], the [[John M. Olin Foundation]] and the [[Scaife family foundationsFoundations]]. Until recently he was a columnist for the ''Washington Post'', which finally ended the relationship after concluding that Glassman’s numerous other entanglements conflicted with his role as a journalist purporting to offer expert financial analysis.
Tech Central Station is a good example of a few of those conflicts of interest, some of which are better disclosed than others. The website openly credits credited sponsors such as AT&T, Microsoft, [[ExxonMobil]], [[General Motors]], [[Intel]], [[McDonalds]], [[NASDAQ]], [[National Semiconductor]], [[QualcommQUALCOMM]] and [[PhRMA]], but until recently it was reluctant to acknowledge the identity of its real publisher—the DCI Group.
TCS did not publicly disclose its relationship to DCI until it was uncovered by ''Washington Monthly'' editor Nicholas Confessore, who wrote about it in December 2003. “After I requested comment, the Web site was changed,” Confessore wrote. “Where it formerly stated that ‘Tech Central Station is published by Tech Central Station, L.L.C.,’ it now reads ‘Tech Central Station is published by DCI Group, L.L.C.’”
The two organizations, Confessore explained, “share most of the same owners, some staff, and even the same suite of offices in downtown Washington, a block off [[K Street]]. As it happens, many of DCI’s clients are also ‘sponsors’ of the site it houses. TCS not only runs the sponsors’ banner ads; its contributors aggressively defend those firms’ policy positions, on TCS and elsewhere.
“James Glassman and TCS have given birth to something quite new in Washington: journo-lobbying,” Confessore continued. “It’s an innovation driven primarily by the influence industry. Lobbying firms that once specialized in gaining person-to-person access to key decision-makers have branched out. The new game is to dominate the entire intellectual environment in which officials make policy decisions, which means funding everything from think tanks to issue ads to phony grassroots pressure groups. But the institution that most affects the intellectual atmosphere in Washington, the media, has also proven the hardest for K Street to influence—until now.”<ref>Nicholas Confessore [http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/2003/0312.confessore.html"How James Glassman reinvented journalism--as lobbying"], Washington Monthly, December 2003.</ref>
===What the Burmese Junta and the Drug Industry Have In Common===
DCI seems willing to work with some of the most controversial clients in the world. In 2002, it received $340,000 for eight months of work for the Union of Myanmar (Burma) State Peace & Development Council. The ''Washington Post’s'' Al Kamen wrote, “DCI’s filings with the Justice Department offer an unusual glimpse into the efforts by the Rangoon junta. DCI lobbyists, featuring [[Charles Francis]], a longtime family friend of the Bushes, ran a sophisticated campaign to improve the regime’s image—and steer the conversation away from its rampant human rights abuses and such.”
Francis “even set up two meetings with White House National Security Council Southeast Asia director Karen B. Brooks,” Kamen continued, “—an unusual feat given that Burma is under U.S. sanctions and its top officials are barred from coming here—to tout Burma’s cooperation on anti-drug, HIV/AIDs and anti-terrorism efforts and in finding the remains of U.S. soldiers from World War II.” After lobbying congressional officials, the Defense Department, and well connected think tanks, the “campaign was on the verge of success—the State Department was about to certify the regime—but the administration backed off amid pressure from the Hill, human rights groups and the media.”
A more recent example of DCI’s work is ===The Drug Industry===DCI also worked on a campaign to generate positive press for the contentious [[Medicare ]] act of 2003. The main force behind the Medicare act was the [[Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America]](PhRMA), one of the country’s largest and most influential trade associations. PhRMA spent millions of dollars and used dozens of lobbyists including the DCI Group to get the act passed. Even so, the law was so controversial even among Republican legislators that it barely won approval, even after the party’s leadership violated normal voting procedures to push it through. Following its passage, ''The Hill '' reported in September 2004 that DCI was “offering healthcare consultants $3,750 plus expenses over six weeks to generate positive news stories about the drug card and offer support to Congress for voting for the Medicare drug law.”<ref>Bob Cusack, [http://web.archive.org/web/20060228181611/http://www.hillnews.com/news/092204/lobbying.aspx"Want to earn quick $4K? See GOP firm"], The Hill, September 22, 2004. Accessed via web.archive.org.</ref>
According to an email written by the the DCI Group’s Starlee Rhoades, the publicity campaign ran from September 15 to October 31. The client behind the campaign, Rhoades wrote, was “RetireSafe, which has sponsored the hiring of healthcare consultants.” RetireSafe is a project of the [[Council for Government Reform]], a corporate-backed group that advocates [[U.S. Social Security privatization|privatization of Social Security ]] and other government services. DCI, asked seniors, their families and healthcare workers “to send letters to their congressman and senators thanking them for supporting the Medicare benefit, or asking for that support in the future. We have help available to write letters if the signer is not comfortable drafting the letter entirely on their own.”
===Post Election Musical ChairsViral Videos and Global Warming===In the wake of the 2004 electionAugust 2006, the DCI Group added House Majority Leader [[Tom DeLay]]'s communication director [[Stuart Roy]] to its staff. ''The HillWall Street Journal'' reports, "Roy will help transform the firm into a one-stop shop for corporations and other entities in need of lobbyists and media advisers."reported on [http://thehillyoutube.com/thehill/export/TheHill/News/Frontpage/121504/dci.htmlwatch?v=IZSqXUSwHRI&search=gore%20and%20penguin a short video] Meanwhiletitled "Al Gore's Penguin Army, bid farewell to " which belittled the threat of [[global warming]] (suggesting viewers "stop exhaling") and made fun of the [[Stephanie LegerAl Gore|former vice-president]], who served as an associate in the government affairs division. Leger was appointed the Director of State/Federal Relations for Louisiana Governor whose 2006 movie "[[Kathleen Babineaux BlancoAn Inconvenient Truth]]" stressed the need for action on global warming. She continues to work in WashingtonThe video, posted on the video-sharing website YouTube, had a "home-made, humorous quality, D.C." yet as the ''Wall Street Journal'' reported, managing the governorfilmmaker's office in the Hall of Statesemail "originated from a computer registered to DCI Group."<ref name="WSJ">Antonio Regalado and Dionne Searcey, [http://wwwonline.bayoubuzzwsj.com/articlesarticle/SB115457177198425388.aspxhtml?aidmod=2836hps_us_editors_picks "Where Did That Video Spoofing Gore's Film Come From?'], The Wall Street Journal, August 3, 2006.</ref>
Los Angeles Times staff reporters Noam N. Levey and Chuck Neubauer, report in their October 2, 2006 story, The video was promoted by ads that appeared when people searched for the phrases "Al Gore" or "Global Warming"Foley Enters Alcohol Rehab Centeron [[Google]],but these ads "[http:were removed shortly after <i>The Wall Street Journal<//wwwi> contacted DCI.latimes.com/news/politics/la" The firm "declines to say whether or not DCI made the anti-100206foleyGore penguin video,0,5979987,print" but an [[Exxon Mobil]] spokesperson said they "did not fund" and "did not approve it.story?coll=la-home-headlines] " What is certain is that "political operatives, public relations experts and ad agencies" are increasingly using video-sharing websites like YouTube to shape public opinion. [[Kirk FordhamOgilvy & Mather]], a veteran Republican legislative staffer who has worked "plans to post amateur-looking videos on Capitol Hill for much web sites to spare word-of the last 17 years, served as Foley-mouth buzz about Foster's chief of staff from 1995 beer," and AT&T has used YouTube to 2004. Fordham also managed Foley's first campaign for Congress, in 1994post videos against [[net neutrality]].<ref name="WSJ"/>
"In 2005, Fordham went to work for DCI Group's former website, a leading GOP political strategy group. The same year[[Tech Central Station]], he became Reynolds' chief of staff.also " Rep. Thomas M. Reynolds (R-N.Y.), to whom the story refers, is chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee, which leads the effort sought to maintain the GOP majority in raise doubts about the House. He hired Forham October 4, 2005. according to a press release science of that dateglobal warming and about Mr.[http://64Gore's film.233.161.104/search?q" <ref name=cache:PB5-bv5kjhUJ:www.house.gov/reynolds"WSJ"/oct4b-2005.htm+Kirk+Fordham&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=4]>
==Personnel=Viral Videos and Global Warming===In August 2006, the ''Wall Street Journal'' reported on [http://youtube.com/watch?v=IZSqXUSwHRI&search=gore%20and%20penguin a short video] titled "Al Gore's Penguin Army," which belittled the threat of [[global warming]] (suggesting viewers "stop exhaling") and made fun of the [[Al Gore|former vice-president]], whose 2006 movie "[[An Inconvenient Truth]]" stressed the need for action on global warming. The video was posted on the video-sharing website [[YouTube]] and had a "home-made, humorous quality." Yet the filmmaker's email "originated from a computer registered to DCI Group," reported the <i>Wall Street Journal</i>. [http://online.wsj.com/article/SB115457177198425388.html?mod=hps_us_editors_picks]
The video was promoted by ads that appeared when people searched for the phrases "Al Gore" or "Global Warming" on the [[Google]] search engine, but these ads "were removed shortly after <i>The Wall Street Journal</i> contacted DCI." The firm "declines to say whether or not DCI made the anti-Gore penguin video," but an [[Exxon Mobil]] spokesperson said they "did not fund" and "did not approve it." What is certain is that "political operatives, public relations experts and ad agencies" are increasingly using video-sharing websites like YouTube to shape public opinion. [[Ogilvy & Mather]] "plans to post amateur-looking videos on Web sites to spare word-of-mouth buzz about Foster's beer," and AT&T has used YouTube to post videos against [[net neutrality]]. [http://online.wsj.com/article/SB115457177198425388.html?mod=hps_us_editors_picks]==Partners===
DCI's [[Tech Central Station]] website has also As of June 2016:<ref name="sought to raise doubts about the science of global warming and about Mr. Gore's film.ppl" >DCI Group, [http://onlinewww.wsjdcigroup.com/articlewho-we-are/SB115457177198425388our-people "Our People"], organizational website, accessed June 30, 2016.html?mod=hps_us_editors_picks]</ref>
==Personnel==*[[Doug Davenport]]: partner and founder of the government affairs division*Teddy Eynon Megan Bloomgren*[[Charles Francis]], partnerDan Combs*Trish FritzJennifer Cutler
*[[Doug Goodyear]], CEO
*Ryan Grillo
*[[Tim Hyde]], founding partner
*Jon Kemp
*[[Brian McCabe]]
*Diane Miller
*Christian Myers
*Andrew O’Brien
*Justin Peterson
*Susan Reiche
*Kelley Robertson
*Paul Ryan
*[[Tom Synhorst]], Chairman
 
===Senior Counselors===
 
As of June 2016:<ref name="ppl"/>
 
*[[Robert D. Blackwill|Amb. Robert Blackwill]]
*[[Charles Francis]]
*Rick Shapiro
*Michael J. Stratton
*Beneva Schulte
 
===Other Personnel and Former Staff===
*[[Robert D. Blackwill|Amb. Robert Blackwill]], former Senior Counselor
*Doug Davenport, former partner and founder of the government affairs division
*Teddy Eynon
*Trish Fritz
*[[Brian Kennedy]]
*[[Todd Kruse]]
*[[Chris LaCivita]]
*Lindsay Lawrence *[[Brian McCabe]]*Andrew McKenna *[[Jim Murphy]], former national field activities director*[[Craig Richardson]]
*[[Stuart Roy]]
*[[Tom Synhorst]], Chairman*[[James Tobin]]
*Scott Wilkinson
*[[Geoff Ziebart]]
*Ted Newton
==Clients==
'''As of June 2016''':<ref>OpenSecrets.org, [http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmsum.php?id=D000021952&year=2012 DCI Group 2012], accessed June 2016.</ref> *American Task Force Argentina *[[Exxon Mobil]] *National Association of Waterfront Employers *Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association *[[Verizon Communications]] *Winning Strategies Washington '''Past Clients''':<ref>Center for Responsive Politics,[http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmsum.php?id=D000021952&year=2011 DCI Group 2001-2011], OpenSecrets.org, accessed February 2013</ref> *Alcoa, Tennessee, City of AG Spanos Companies*Akins Crisp Public Strategies*Alliance Surgical Distributors*Alliant Techsystems*American Iris*American Roll-On Roll-Off Carrier*American Task Force Argentina*Applied Digital *Aquasciences*[[AT&T|AT&T, Inc.]]*Aunt Millie's*Avue Technologies Corp. *B&D Holding Di Marco Drago e C Sapa*Bay Area Addiction Research and Treatment *Blount CountyBlackboard, Tennessee Inc.*Blount County Memorial Hospital *Blount County, TN*Brown, Winick et al *CalAmp Inc*Calumet College of St. Joseph *Catholic Healthcare West *CEMEX SA de CV*Central Wyoming College*City of Alcoa, TN*City of Cedar Rapids, IowaIA*City of Cheyenne, WY *City of Harrogate, TN *Cheyenne, Wyoming, City of Maryville, TN *Coe College*Colorado State University *[[Coral Bay Community Council*Council for Government Reform]]of American Survey Research Organizations*EchoStar Communications Corporation Delorme Publishing*ELLIS Denver Children's Hospital*[[Exxon MobilEchoStar|EchoStar Communications]]*ELLIS*Federal Home Loan Bank of San Francisco *Figge Art Museum*Gannett Fleming, Inc. *General Motors*Gilead Sciences*[[GoldmanSachs]]*GridPoint Inc*GTECH Holdings*Great River Economic Development Foundation*Health Partners*Hesco Bastion USA *Hiwassee College*Hydration Technologies*Innova Corporation*Inspire STEM USA*[[Intel|Intel Corporation]]*Intelligent Car Corporation *International Brotherhood of Teamsters*International Genomics Consortium *Iowa American Water Co. *Ironworkers Union*ITT Educational Services*Juldi*K-12, Sachs Inc.*Lakeview Museum*Lincoln Memorial Univeristy*Lipscomb University*Lockhead Martin*Louisiana Department of Natural Resources*Maryville College*MC Technologies*[[Morgan Stanley]]*MedCath Inc*Mortgage Insurance Companies of America*Mvp Group International*National Association of Business PACs*National Association of Waterfront Employers*National Louis University*National Pork Producers Council *National Semiconductor Corp*Nehemiah Corp of America*Nipmuc Nation Tribal Council*Northern Arizona University*Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association*[[Pacific Research Institute]]*[[Pharmaceutical Research and Company Manufacturers of America]] (PhRMA)*Peoplewise *Problem-Knowledge Coupler*[[QUALCOMM|Qualcomm Inc]]*Rail Infrastructure Management*Research Industry Alliance*Rock Island Arsenal Development Group*Shenandoah Electronic Intelligence*Scottsdale Healthcare*Smartlink Radio Networks*Spg Communications *Srq Inc *St. Ambrose University*St. Louis Regional Chamber & Growth Association*St. Rose Dominican Hospitals*Stamats*Technology Network Stock Option Coalition*[[United Airlines]]-EC-ALPA*United Medical Center*US Telecom Association*[[Verizon Communications]]*Visa International*[[Washington Strategies]]*Welldog Inc*Winning Strategies Washingtons '''Other groups that have been associated with DCI Group''':*[[Council for Government Reform]] *[[Fannie Mae]]*[[Freddie Mac]]
*[[Google]]
*[[GTECH Corporation]] *Health Partners, Inc. *HealthPartners/Regions Hospital *HESCO Bastion USA LLC *Hydration Technologies *Innova Solutions *Innovative Solutions & Support *Intel Corporation *International Association Government of Iron Workers *[[International Genomics ConsortiumAzerbaijan]] *K12, Inc. *Maryville College *Maryville, Tennessee, City of
*Metropolitan College of New York
*Military Junta of [[Burma]]
*Mortgage Insurance Companies of America
*National Association of Air Traffic Specialists *[[National Association of Business Political Action Committees]] *[[National Pork Producers Council]] *National Semiconductor *Nehemiah Corporation of California *Northern Arizona University *[[Pacific Research Institute]]*[[PeopleWise, LLC ]] *[[Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America]] (PhRMA) *Problem-Knowledge Coupler *Qualcomm, Inc. *[[Rail Infrastructure Management]] Innovative Solutions & Support
*[[RetireSafe.org]]
*[[Shenandoah Electronic Intelligence]], Inc.*St. Joseph's Hospital and Medical Center CHW *St. Louis Regional Chamber and Growth Association *[[Technology Network Stock Option Coalition R.J. Reynolds]]
*Tamlea
*United Medical Center [[U.S. Bancorp]] ==Contact Information==http://www.dcigroup.com/ Offices: '''Washington'''<br>1828 L Street NW, Suite 400<br>Washington, DC 20036<br>202-546-4242<br>washingtondc AT dcigroup.com<br> '''Brussels'''<br>Square de Meeus 37<br>1000 Brussels, Belgium<br>+32 2 791 7515<br>brussels AT dcigroup.com<br> '''Houston'''<br>820 Gessner, Suite 1680<br>Houston, TX 77024<br>281-661-8211<br>houston AT dcigroup.com ==Resources and Articles== ===Featured SourceWatch Articles on Fix the Debt=== * [[Portal:Fix the Debt|Fix the Debt Portal Page]]** US Bancorp [[Fix the Debt's Leadership]]** [[Fix the Debt's Partner Groups]]** [[Fix the Debt's State Chapters]]** [[Fix the Debt's Lobbyists]]**[[Washington StrategiesCommittee for a Responsible Federal Budget|Fix the Debt's Parent Group]], L** [https://www.Lsourcewatch.Corg/index.php?title=Category:Fix_the_Debt_Corporations Fix the Debt's Corporations]** [[Pete Peterson]]** [[Peter G. Peterson Foundation]]** [[America Speaks]]** [[Simpson-Bowles Commission]]** [[Erskine Bowles]]** [[Alan Simpson]]** [[Social Security]]** [[Medicare]]** [[Medicaid]] ===Other Related SourceWatch Resources===
==SourceWatch links==*[[Coalition to Protect Patients' Rights]] (anti-health care reform "grassroots" lobbying group)
*[[Swift Boat Veterans for Truth Republican Connection]]
*[[DCI/New Media]]
*[[Dewey Square Group]]
*[[Feather Larson & Synhorst DCI]]
*[[FLS Phones]]*[[FYI MessagingInvestors Action]]
*[[Lobbying firms]]
*[[Progress for America]]
*[[Tech Central Station]]
*[[TSE Enterprises]]
*[[Voices for Choices]]
==Contact information=External Links===DCI Group, LCC<br>1133 21st St. NW, Suite M100<br>Washington, DC 20036<br>Telephone: 202-546-4242 <br>Fax: 202-546-4243 <br>http://www.dcigroup.com/
==External links==Articles====*Kevin McCauley, [http://www.odwyerpr.com/blog/index.php?/archives/5300-DCI-Works-Tanks-for-Azerbaijan.html "DCI Works Tanks for Azerbaijan"], ''O'Dwyers Blog'', October 23, 2012.
*Bob Cusack, "[http://www.hillnews.com/news/092204/lobbying.aspx Want to earn quick $4K? See GOP firm]," ''The Hill'', September 22, 2004.
*Al Kamen, "Escalation of the Appellation," ''Washington Post'', February 28, 2003.
*Noam N. Levey and Chuck Neubauer, "[http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/la-100206foley,0,5979987,print.story?coll=la-home-headlines Foley Enters Alcohol Rehab Center]", ''Los Angeles Times'', October 2, 2006.
*"[http://www.odwyerpr.com/members/1027dci_sells_tcs.htm DCI Sells TCSDaily]", ''O'Dwyers PR daily'', October 27, 2006. (Sub req'd).
*Jonathan Stein, "[http://www.motherjones.com/mojoblog/archives/2008/05/8236_john_mccain_dci.htmls John McCain and the Dictator Money Trail]," ''MotherJones Blog,'' May 14, 2008.
*Nick Surgey, "[https://www.prwatch.org/news/2016/04/13092/dci-group-subpoenaed-expanding-exxon-climate-denial-investigation DCI Group Subpoenaed in Expanding Exxon Climate Denial Investigation]",''Center for Media and Democracy'', April 20, 2016.
 
===References===
<references/>
 
<tdo>search_term=DCI Group</tdo>
[[Category:Elections (U.S.)]][[Category:Lobbying firms]][[Category:Politics (U.S.)]][[Category:Public relations firms]][[categoryCategory:politics (US)Tobacco documents organizations]][[Category:United States]][[Category:Real Economy Project]][[categoryCategory:elections (US)Fix the Debt]]

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