Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs

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The Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs (OCPA) is a conservative state-based think tank and member of the State Policy Network. The OCPA states that its mission is to "promote the flourishing of the people of Oklahoma by advancing principles and policies that support free enterprise, limited government, individual initiative, personal responsibility, and strong families.."[1] The OCPA maintains collections of open records for the state of Oklahoma, which includes data on employee salaries, state revenue and expenses, and state payments to vendors.

The OCPA created the Aim Higher OK Program, a project meant to promote conservative ideals among college students and address a perceived invasion of left-leaning influences in higher education. In addition to this, they introduced a fellowship program that teaches conservative free-market ideals and allows students to meet with political and business leaders.

OCPA was founded in 1993 as a public policy research organization that focused on mostly state-level issues. [2] Led by Dr. David Brown, an orthopedic surgeon and professor at the University of Oklahoma, the founders aimed to create a think tank that could influence state policy in a similar way to national think tanks.[3] The group's inception came about after a 1992 meeting arranged by Tony Wyman, a Republican political staffer in the Bill Price 5th District congressional primary campaign and the George H.W. Bush re-election campaign. Their headquarters is near the Oklahoma State Capitol in Oklahoma City.

News and Controversies

OCPA President Praises President-elect Trump's Pick to Head EPA

In an interview with The Oklahoman, OCPA president Johnathan Small strongly supported President-elect Trump's nomination of Oklahoma Attorney General Scott Pruitt to head the EPA.[4] He stated,

"Pruitt is exactly the kind of leader we need to take on Washington, D.C. He has a track record of challenging the D.C.-knows-best mentality when it comes to protecting our environment and natural resources. The Constitution purposefully limits federal power and leaves control over local lands and businesses in the hands of state leaders. Gen. Pruitt has shown his dedication to restoring this balance between state and federal power."

President-elect Trump nominated Pruitt despite his long record of fighting the organization he will now be in charge of running, “Scott Pruitt has a record of attacking the environmental protections that EPA is charged with enforcing. He has built his political career by trying to undermine EPA’s mission of environmental protection,” said Fred Krupp, president of the Environmental Defense Fund.[5]

Paycom Lawsuit

In May of 2020, Paycom Payroll LLC, an online payroll and human resource software provider based in Oklahoma City, filed suit against the OCPA for a March 2020 article they wrote about Chad Richardson, Paycom's founder and Chief Executive Officer. OCPA claimed that Richardson advocated for the governor of Oklahoma to "order most businesses to close".[6] Paycom claimed that Richison only advocated for "the temporary closure of personal-touch service businesses such as spas, hair salons, nail salons and massage parlors."[7]

An Oklahoma District Court dismissed the lawsuit with prejudice soon after, holding that Paycom failed to show a prima facie case of defamation. Paycom appealed, and the Oklahoma Supreme Court sided with them, overruling the District judge on a technicality. The lawsuit allegedly cost the OCPA $1.1 million in attorney fees. [8]

As of May 2024, Paycom attorneys have filed a motion requesting depositions from three members of OCPA and one board member, and a settlement hasn't been reached. [9]

Ties to the State Policy Network

OCPA is a member of the State Policy Network. SPN is a web of right-wing “think tanks” and tax-exempt organizations in 48 states, Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico, and the United Kingdom. As of June 2024, SPN's membership totals 167. Today's SPN is the tip of the spear of far-right, nationally funded policy agenda in the states that undergirds extremists in the Republican Party. SPN Executive Director Tracie Sharp told the Wall Street Journal in 2017 that the revenue of the combined groups was some $80 million, but a 2022 analysis of SPN's main members IRS filings by the Center for Media and Democracy shows that the combined revenue is over $152 million.[10] Although SPN's member organizations claim to be nonpartisan and independent, the Center for Media and Democracy's in-depth investigation, "EXPOSED: The State Policy Network -- The Powerful Right-Wing Network Helping to Hijack State Politics and Government," reveals that SPN and its member think tanks are major drivers of the right-wing, American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)-backed corporate agenda in state houses nationwide, with deep ties to the Koch brothers and the national right-wing network of funders.[11]

In response to CMD's report, SPN Executive Director Tracie Sharp told national and statehouse reporters that SPN affiliates are "fiercely independent." Later the same week, however, The New Yorker's Jane Mayer caught Sharp in a contradiction. In her article, "Is IKEA the New Model for the Conservative Movement?," the Pulitzer-nominated reporter revealed that, in a recent meeting behind closed doors with the heads of SPN affiliates around the country, Sharp "compared the organization’s model to that of the giant global chain IKEA." She reportedly said that SPN "would provide 'the raw materials,' along with the 'services' needed to assemble the products. Rather than acting like passive customers who buy finished products, she wanted each state group to show the enterprise and creativity needed to assemble the parts in their home states. 'Pick what you need,' she said, 'and customize it for what works best for you.'" Not only that, but Sharp "also acknowledged privately to the members that the organization's often anonymous donors frequently shape the agenda. 'The grants are driven by donor intent,' she told the gathered think-tank heads. She added that, often, 'the donors have a very specific idea of what they want to happen.'"[12]

A set of coordinated fundraising proposals obtained and released by The Guardian in early December 2013 confirm many of these SPN members' intent to change state laws and policies, referring to "advancing model legislation" and "candidate briefings." These activities "arguably cross the line into lobbying," The Guardian notes.[13]

Ties to the Bradley Foundation

Between 2013 and 2014 the Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs received $400,000 from the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation for its Liberty Foundation.

Bradley detailed the most recent grants in internal documents examined by the Center for Media and Democracy (CMD). Below is a description of the grant prepared by CMD. The quoted text was written by Bradley staff.

2014: $250,000 to support general operations. According to the Bradley grant proposal, “Last year, Bradley awarded the Liberty Foundation $150,000 for its Competitive Federalism Project (CFP), which attempted to augment and improved state-based efforts to diffuse the influence of the federal government and impact policymaking process… The Liberty Foundation’s CFP well compliments and does not compete with IPA and SPN. SPN, in fact, also financially supports CFP. The Liberty Foundation’s CFP released its major report, Competitive Federalism: Leveraging the Constitution to Rebuild America, early last year. With some success, it then worked to further the concept in specific states and policy contexts.” “On Medicaid in particular… the Liberty Foundation says it targeted 10 states and allied itself with state-partner think tanks in each of them. In six of these states, Medicaid expansion was rejected… In most of the 10 states and with/for its partners, the Liberty Foundation nimbly commission targeted survey research that was helpful in contributing to the discourse about expansion among the public and policymakers. This year, the Liberty Foundation wants to – arguably admirably, quite ambitiously– expand its efforts, on this issue and others… If awarded, by arrangement, this grant would again be matched anonymously by (the Allen Family Charitable Foundation)."

Bradley Files

In 2017, the Center for Media and Democracy (CMD), publishers of SourceWatch, launched a series of articles on the Milwaukee-based Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, exposing the inner-workings of one of America's largest right-wing foundations. 56,000 previously undisclosed documents laid bare the Bradley Foundation's highly politicized agenda. CMD detailed Bradley's efforts to map and measure right wing infrastructure nationwide, including by dismantling and defunding unions to impact state elections; bankrolling discredited spin doctor Richard Berman and his many front groups; and more.

Find the series here at ExposedbyCMD.org.

Ties to the American Legislative Exchange Council

The Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs has ties to the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) through its membership in several ALEC "task forces".

Jonathan Small, president of the OCPA, is currently the private chair of ALEC's Energy, Environment and Agriculture Task Force. Small previously won ALEC's Private Sector Member of the Year award and has represented the think tank on the Tax and Fiscal Policy Task Force. He participated in a panel discussion, "Debunking Tax Myths" at the 2012 Spring Task Force Summit.[14]

Senior Vice President Brandon Dutcher represents the organization as a member of ALEC's Education Task Force as of July 2011.[15]

Former OCPA president, Michael Carnuccio, is a member of the Energy, Environment and Agriculture Task Force and Jason Sutton, former Policy Impact Director for OCPA, was also a member of the Health and Human Services Task Force.[16][17]

About ALEC
ALEC is a corporate bill mill. It is not just a lobby or a front group; it is much more powerful than that. Through ALEC, corporations hand state legislators their wishlists to benefit their bottom line. Corporations fund almost all of ALEC's operations. They pay for a seat on ALEC task forces where corporate lobbyists and special interest reps vote with elected officials to approve “model” bills. Learn more at the Center for Media and Democracy's ALECexposed.org, and check out breaking news on our ExposedbyCMD.org site.

Funding

The Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs is not required to disclose its funders. Its major foundation funders, however, can be found through a search of the IRS filings. Here are some of the known funders of the Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs:

  • Adolph Coors Foundation: $160,000 (2018-2020)
  • America for Tax Reform: $15,000 (2017)
  • Ann C and John A Henry III Foundation: $4,000 (2021)
  • Armstrong Foundation: $10,000 (2020)
  • Atlas Economic Research Foundation: $15,000 (2015)
  • Bowen Foundation: $240,500 (2019-2022)
  • Bradley Foundation: $400,000 (2013-2014)
  • Cato Institute: $50,000 (2006)[18]
  • Charles Koch Foundation: $3,500 (2016-2020)
  • Christian Charitable Foundation: $39,600 (2014)
  • Communities Foundation of Oklahoma: $10,000 (2019)
  • Clements Food Foundation: $18,100 (2012-2023)
  • Clifford L. Knight Foundation: $500 (2020)
  • Diana Davis Spencer Foundation: $200,000 (2020)
  • DonorsTrust and Donors Capital Fund: $1,790,335 (2010-2013, 2020-2022)
  • Edchoice Inc: $172,000 (2014-2015, 2022)
  • Fw Murphy Family Foundation: $82,500 (2021-2022)
  • Hargrove Family Foundation: $1,000 (2022)
  • Harry and Louise Brown Foundation: $200,000 (2021-2022)
  • Harvey Family Foundation: $5,000 (2017)
  • Inasmuch: $10,000 (2020-2021)
  • James C and Teresa K Day Foundation: $25,000 (2013-2021)
  • John and Donnie Brock Foundation: $352,000 (2014-2022)
  • Joullian Foundation Inc.: $10,000 (2022)
  • Jp Morgan Chase Foundation: $100 (2016)
  • Just Trust for Action: $60,000 (2022)
  • Justice Action Network: $80,000 (2022)
  • Koelbel Family Foundation: $5,000 (2020)
  • Lynde and Harry Bradley: $545,000 (2020)
  • Liberty Foundation of America Inc: $101,250 (2014-2016)
  • Margaret Vivian Bilby Foundation: $30,000 (2022)
  • NATL Christian Charitable FDN Inc: $69,400 (2017-2019)
  • National Christian Charitable Foundation: $123,400 (2016-2022)
  • National Philanthropic Trust: $32,500 (2021)
  • New Venture Fund: $130,000 (2022)
  • Noble Research Institute: $40,000 (2013)
  • Olson Family Foundation Inc: $177,200 (2013-2019)
  • Oklahoma City Community Foundation Inc: $104,450 (2018-2021)
  • Parman Family Foundation: $5,000 (2022)
  • Paul D Austin Family Foundation: $8,000 (2014-2023)
  • Peyton Family Foundation: $500 (2022)
  • Pfizer Foundation: $200 (2022)
  • Quesenbery Educational Trust: $45,000 (2016-2018)
  • Roe Foundation: $25,000 (2020)
  • Samuel Roberts Noble Foundation: $550,000 (2019-2021)
  • Scaramucci Foundation: $1,000 (2022)
  • Servant Foundation: $88,000 (2019-2020)
  • State Policy Network: [https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Contributions_of_the_State_Policy_Network $687,000 (2012-2015, 2017-2020, 2022)
  • Think Freely Media: $100,000 (2014)
  • Tulsa Community Foundation: $176,000 (2020-2021)
  • Vanguard Charitable Endowment Program: $36,000 (2020-2021)
  • William S & Ann Atherton Foundation: $241,500 (2014-2022)
  • W C Payne Foundation: $15,000 (2013-2014)
  • Walton Family Foundation: $1,400,000 (2020-2021)

Core Financials

2022[19]

  • Total Revenue: $3,663,708
  • Total Expenses: $3,620,361
  • Net Assets: $3,745,987

2021[20]

  • Total Revenue: $3,957,875
  • Total Expenses: $3,936,093
  • Net Assets: $3,592,316

2020[21]

  • Total Revenue: $4,171,295
  • Total Expenses: $4,867,984
  • Net Assets: $3,580,597

2019[22]

  • Total Revenue: $3,093,448
  • Total Expenses: $3,128,666
  • Net Assets: $4,290,818

2018[23]

  • Total Revenue: $2,103,879
  • Total Expenses: $2,265,088
  • Net Assets: $4,364,702

2017[24]

  • Total Revenue: $2,889,879
  • Total Expenses: $2,486,740
  • Net Assets: $4,434,048

2016[25]

  • Total Revenue: $1,944,188
  • Total Expenses: $2,173,852
  • Net Assets: $4,030,905

2015[26]

  • Total Revenue: $2,730,203
  • Total Expenses: $1,964,560
  • Net Assets: $4,260,569

2014[27]

  • Total Revenue: $2,261,816
  • Total Expenses: $1,811,131
  • Net Assets: $3,494,926

2013[28]

  • Total Revenue: $2,133,193
  • Total Expenses: $2,120,037
  • Net Assets: $3,044,241

Grants Distributed

2012[29]

  • Total Revenue: $1,428,599
  • Total Expenses: $1,859,825
  • Net Assets: $3,026,684

2011[30]

  • Total Revenue: $3,060,027
  • Total Expenses: $1,806,961
  • Net Assets: $3,456,211

2010[31]:

  • Total Revenue: $1,385,424.00
  • Total Expenses: $1,412,168.00
  • Net Assets:$2,205,719.00

2009[32]:

  • Total Revenue: $1,062,784.00
  • Total Expenses: $1,064,986.00
  • Net Assets: $2,217,243.00

Personnel

Staff

As of July 2024:[33]

  • Jonathan Small, President
  • Dave Bond, Vice President for Advocacy
  • Mandi Broadfoot, Development Director
  • Ray Carter, Director, Center for Independent Journalism
  • Victor Castillo, Director of Community Engagememt
  • Heather Dickinson, Executive Liaison
  • Brandon Dutcher, Senior Vice President
  • Rick Farmer, Dean of the J. Rufus Fears Fellowship
  • Maddison Farris, Communications Manager
  • Ryan Haynie, Criminal Justice Reform Fellow
  • Jennie Kleese, Development Coordinator
  • Hallie Milner, Communications Associate
  • Tom Newell, Vice President for the Center for Culture and the Family
  • Bre Oberdick, Communications Manager
  • Rachel Hays Robert, Executive Vice President
  • Curtis Shelton, Policy Research Fellow

Former Staff

  • Dacia D. Harris, Development Projects Manager
  • Sarah Andrews, Content Marketing Specialist
  • Kenny Yoder, Financial Analyst
  • Steven J. Anderson, MBA, CPA, Research Fellow
  • Tina Korbe Dzurisin, Research Associate
  • Jayson Lusk, Samuel Roberts Noble Distinguished Fellow
  • J. Scott Moody, M.A., Research Fellow
  • Andrew C. Spiropoulos, J.D., Milton Friedman Distinguished Fellow
  • Wendy P. Warcholik, Ph.D., Research Fellow
  • Michael C. Carnuccio, President
  • Brian Bush, Executive Vice President
  • Karma Robinson, Vice President for Development
  • Tina Korbe, Policy Impact Director
  • David Autry, Communications Manager
  • Jay Chilton, Director, Center for Investigative Journalism
  • Trent England, Vice President for Strategic Initiatives
  • Estela Hernandez, Executive Vice President
  • Alex Jones, Communications and Creative Director
  • Arlesha Jones, Development Projects Manager
  • Teresa Yoder, Vice President of Operations

Board of Directors

As of July 2024:[34]

  • Larry Parman, Chairman
  • Glenn Ashmore, D.D.S.
  • Douglas Beall, M.D.
  • Susan Bergen
  • John A. Brock
  • Larry Brown
  • Margaret Freede
  • Ann Felton Gilliland
  • John A. Henry III
  • Robert H. Kane
  • Tara Koetter
  • Brian Krafft
  • Lloyd Noble II
  • Andrew Oster
  • Bill Price
  • Thomas Rashid, M.D.
  • Patrick T. Rooney
  • Miriam Shaw
  • Keith Smith, M.D.
  • Charles M. Sublett
  • William E. Warnock, Jr.
  • Molly Wehrenberg
  • Daryl Woodard

Former Directors

  • Blake Arnold
  • Steve Beebe
  • David R. Brown, M.D.
  • Tom Coburn, M.D.
  • Paul A. Cox
  • Henry F. Kane
  • Lew Meibergen
  • Ronald L. Mercer
  • Daniel J. Zaloudek
  • Robert Avery
  • Lee J. Baxter
  • David Burrage
  • Michael Carnuccio
  • William Flanagan
  • Josephine Freede
  • John T. Hanes
  • Gene Love
  • David Madigan
  • Tom H. McCasland, III
  • David McLaughlin
  • J. Larry Nichols
  • Mike O’Neal, Ph.D.
  • Melissa Sandefer
  • Thomas Schroedter
  • Greg Slavonic
  • Robert Sullivan
  • Dana Weber

Contact Information

Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs
1401 N. Lincoln Blvd.
Oklahoma City, OK 73104
Phone: (405) 602-1667
Fax: (855) 819-0085
Email: digital@ocpathink.org
Website: http://www.ocpathink.org
Twitter: ocpa@ocpathink.org
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/ocpathink

Articles and Resources

IRS Form 990 Filings

2022

2021

2020

2019

2018

2017

References

  1. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, Our Mission, organizational website, accessed March 2008.
  2. SPN [1] "OCPA" Received June 11, 2024.
  3. Wikipedia Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs Founding, Mission and Leadership Received June 11, 2024.
  4. Rick Green, What they said about Pruitt's pick, The Oklahoman, December 7, 2016.
  5. Chris Mooney, Brady Dennis and Steven Mufson, Trump names Scott Pruitt, Oklahoma attorney general suing EPA on climate change, to head the EPA, The Washington Post, December 8, 2016.
  6. Steve Metzer [2] "Paycom sues OCPA over statements about COVID-19 closures" May 8, 2020.
  7. Steve Metzer [3] "Paycom sues OCPA over statements about COVID-19 closures" May 8, 2020.
  8. Jonathan Small and Ryan Hayne [4] "Paycom's speech-chilling crusade against OCPA continues" April 22, 2024.
  9. Jamison Faught [5] "McAfee & Taft increases lawfare against Oklahoma conservatives" May 24, 2024.
  10. David Armiak, State Policy Network and Affiliates Raises $152 Million Annually to Push Right-Wing Policies, ExposedbyCMD, September 30, 2022.
  11. Rebekah Wilce, Center for Media and Democracy, EXPOSED: The State Policy Network -- The Powerful Right-Wing Network Helping to Hijack State Politics and Government, organizational report, November 13, 2013.
  12. Jane Mayer, Is IKEA the New Model for the Conservative Movement?, The New Yorker, November 15, 2013.
  13. Ed Pilkington and Suzanne Goldenberg, State conservative groups plan US-wide assault on education, health and tax, The Guardian, December 5, 2013.
  14. American Legislative Exchange Council, Tax and Fiscal Policy Task Force, meeting agenda and materials, May, 11, 2012, on file with CMD
  15. American Legislative Exchange Council, "Education Task Force Meeting," agenda and meeting materials, August 5, 2011, on file with CMD.
  16. American Legislative Exchange Council, Energy, Environment and Agriculture Task Force meeting agenda and materials, June 30, 2011, on file with CMD
  17. American Legislative Exchange Council, Health and Human Services Task Force meeting agenda and materials, June 30, 2011, on file with CMD
  18. Cato Institute, IRS Form 990, 2006, organizational tax filing, February 15, 2007, pp. 19-23.
  19. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2022 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  20. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2021 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  21. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2020 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  22. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2019 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  23. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2018 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  24. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2017 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  25. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, [https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/731436375/201732969349300228/full IRS 2016 Form 990, organizational tax filing
  26. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2015 Form 990, organizational tax filing, October 23, 2016.
  27. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS 2014 Form 990, organizational tax filing, October 30, 2015.
  28. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS Form 990, 2013, organizational tax filing, November 14, 2014.
  29. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS Form 990, 2012, organizational tax filing, November 1, 2013.
  30. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS Form 990, 2011, organizational tax filing, November 9, 2012.
  31. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS form 990, 2010. GuideStar.
  32. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, IRS form 990, 2009. GuideStar.
  33. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, About, Oklahoma of Council of Public Affairs, 2024.
  34. Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, Board, Oklahoma of Council of Public Affairs, 2024.